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Mullahs, Merchants, and Militants: The Economic Collapse of the Arab World

by Stephen Glain

 

A thousand years ago, a vast Arab empire stretched from the Asian steppe across the Mediterranean to Spain, pioneering new technologies, sciences, art and culture. Arab traders and Arab currencies dominated the global economy in ways Western multinationals and the dollar do today. A thousand years later, Arab states are in decay. Official corruption and ineptitude have eroded state authority and created a vacuum that militant Islam has rushed to fill. Glain takes us on a journey through the heart of what were once the great Islamic caliphates, the countries now known as Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Israel/Palestine, Iraq and Egypt, to illustrate how a once prosperous and enlightened civilization finds itself at a crossroads between a Dark Age and a New Dawn.

 



In a fascinating study filled with memorable first hand accounts of individual hopes, despair, and struggles for a better life, Stephen Glain tackles one of the questions most often posed to Middle Eastern experts: "What went wrong -- why is the region so stuck behind the times?" The answers he comes up with will surprise many, especially those unfamiliar with the everyday struggles and challenges faced by the region's beleaguered and declining entrepreneurial class.

In contrast with many contemporary observers, Glain is able to draw on the past to provide added relevance for many of his observations. He is particularly struck by the fact that around the tenth century, the Middle East, together with China, was the most economically advanced region of The World. Yet today, as documented by the authoritative UN Human Development Report, one in five Arabs lives on less than $2 a day.

Over the past 20 years, growth in income per capita increased at an annual rate of 0.5% was lower than anywhere else in The World except sub-Saharan Africa. Around 12 million people or 15% of the labor force are already unemployed. Based on current trends, the number could rise to 25 million by 2010. Surveys find that with severely limited prospects more than half the youth in the region would like to relocate to Europe or America.

A wide range of explanations abound for the economic slowdown in the Middle East -- its neo-colonial heritage, structural economic imbalances, the so-called "curse" of natural-resource abundance, deficient political systems, conditions of war and conflict and even culture and religion. While Glain is obviously aware of these theories, he doesn't dwell excessively on them. Instead, he appears to have approached his writing with few pre-conceived ideas concerning the region's demise.

One senses he is an adept interviewer and patient listener - one who easily gains the confidence of normally cautious, guarded businessmen. His skills come together on one level to produce a refreshingly new perspective concerning the day-to-day struggles of entrepreneurs in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Palestine, Iraq and Egypt. On a higher level the commonality of experiences allow him to advance several fresh insights as to what needs to be done to reverse the region's decline.

Glain's interviewees provide consistently sad accounts of intelligence, competence, and honest hard work thwarted at every step of the way by useless, arbitrary bureaucratic hindrances, incompetent government officials and corruption. To cross one hurdle is only to come up against another. While the details vary a bit from country to country, the over-riding theme is one of breakdowns in governance at nearly all levels. With governance in disarray, economic reforms, if present at all, are incapable of directing resources toward productive uses.

While Glain finds a little truth in each of the explanations noted above for the region's demise, he is particularly stuck by the fact that even the enlightened leaders in the region have little use for or interest in economics or the economy. Perhaps as a result, most of the Arab world has largely opted out of the global economy. With global competitive checks absent and little in the way of domestic reforms or effective reformers, the region's economic fate was set.

Reaching the end of the book this reviewer sadly found little basis for optimism. The Bush administration's efforts to mold the Middle East into a centerpiece of democracy will fail, Glain argues, unless it first rehabilitates the Arab world's once mighty middle class - not a small task given the circumstances. Short of that, there is little the United States or its European partners can do to rebuild the region. Yet in looking for possible indigenous-based virtuous circles of reform, growth and middle class development, one sees the same old gloomy vicious circles of failed governance, economic stagnation and middle class flight.

Mullahs, Merchants and Militants represents a major contribution to our knowledge of the inner economic workings of the harried Arab business class. It is a serious, objective study that should be on the shelf of anyone concerned with the fate of this vitally important region.

Robert Looney, Professor
, Naval Postgraduate School
(published in the Middle East Journal, Winter 2005)

 

 

 

 

Books by journalists and academics who have spent a great deal of time in the Middle East -- such as Mark Huband's Brutal Truths, Fragile Myths: Power Politics and Western Adventurism in the Arab World (Basic, $26), Stephen Glain's Mullahs, Merchants, and Militants: The Economic Collapse of the Arab World (St. Martin's, $25.95), and Gilles Kepel's The War for Muslim Minds: Islam and the West (Belknap, $23.95) -- all take issue with various aspects of the Bush administration's policies in the Middle East, particularly the neoconservative theories that invading Iraq would have a democratic domino effect in the Middle East, or bring peace to Israelis and Palestinians.
Peter Bergen, Journalist and Terrorism Analyst
(published in the Washington Post, November 21, 2004)

 


 


Terrorists, fanatics, oil sheiks, veiled women, sand, camels -- it's hardly news that the United States has been saturated, to its own peril, in blinding stereotypes about the Middle East. Self-created "experts" cloud the media debates with rival analyses of terrorism while mispronouncing all the Arabic names. Given that America is now slogging through a military occupation, has always had vital oil interests, and has been involved directly or indirectly in six wars in the Middle East since the 1950s, better insight is urgently needed.
But the Bush administration approaches the Arab world with all the subtlety of Snakes and Ladders: Arab populations are now simply victims of "evil" dictatorships, political juveniles who must be gently pushed to democracy through benign US tutelage. Paul Wolfowitz, the neoconservative architect of the Iraq war who has most impressed specialists with his ignorance of the region, compares the process to "teaching a youngster to ride a bicycle." Hardly a workable premise for superpower diplomacy anywhere, let alone in a complicated society such as Iraq.
Yet grasping the region's complexity is difficult even for the best-intentioned. The most accessible material is by journalists, but the books by newly arrived journalists have been a mixed lot; some painfully reproduce old nostrums, others are more fine-tuned and perceptive. It helps if a newcomer brings a sophisticated analytical framework, as well as a discerning eye and a sense of humor. Such an observer is Stephen Glain.
Glain is a reporter for The Wall Street Journal who transferred to the Middle East in 1998 from a seven-year stint covering East Asia. In Asia, he wrote about booming industries and trade and interviewed many commercial attaches working in US diplomatic missions. Arriving in the Arab world, he was stunned by the contrast: economies moldering from corruption and neglect. And no one seemed to be paying attention. Glain offers a mosaic portrait of a region sliding toward economic crisis, through vignettes and interviews in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, "Palestine" (the West Bank), Iraq, and Egypt.
Everywhere, Glain finds friendly, intelligent, and hard-working Arab entrepreneurs whose best efforts are repeatedly thwarted by incompetent or corrupt bureaucracies and the failure of governments to create any efficient banking or credit system. Interspersed with his lively interviews are segments of history: wars, coups, or colonial interventions that shaped the conditions in which these businesses now flounder. For Glain has bothered, unlike most, to dig into the past to make sense of the present. The book's blurbs and catchy title don't do justice to his effort; this is no simplistic portrait of Arab economic collapse, nor does he blame "mullahs" and "militants" for the region's troubles. Rather, Glain takes each story as a glimpse into a system gone wrong. A restaurant in once-vigorous Lebanon struggles for life under a stifling Syrian occupation. Police corruption and lack of credit cripple businesses operating under Syria's ossified socialist dynasty. Jordan's economy staggers under the feeble state institutions left by the charming King Hussein. Egypt, ostensibly the "sanctum of Arab unity," is actually "a complete mess." The journalist's "I was there" perspective sometimes limits but is often trenchant; for example, Glain's descriptions of hours he considered clearly wasted at Israeli checkpoints and a few dire statistics on West Bank trade illuminate the gritty reality of Israeli occupation policy outside of any polemics. His portraits of Iraq under Saddam Hussein and under US sanctions are both wry and scathing.
Glain's introduction is the weakest link in this portrait, lapsing into more packaged formulas such as "Islam's dreary present." His short references are not always enough to explain how regional wars have shaped the entire region, and historical names sometimes seem hastily added. Nor will Glain's notebook approach work for everyone; as he jumps from interview to interview, adding historical background where he thinks relevant, the book often reads like a patchwork of 16-inch columns. But for some readers, Glain may provide the crucial juxtaposition of human contact and background that will animate the region and give it a much-needed human face. Certainly his travels suggest an Arab world anxious for that understanding and a hope for peace with Israel that may surprise and encourage many. "If the Lebanese people say yes to peace with Israel, so be it," says an official in Hezbollah. A Syrian merchant tells him, "We can accept a Jewish state if it decides to live peacefully with the Arabs." In Egypt, one man shook his hand vigorously in finishing an interview. " `Tell the Americans to treat us the same as they do the Israelis,' he said. `That is all we ask. My eldest daughter is studying Hebrew. One day, God willing, we will all understand each other.' "
Virginia Q. Tilley, associate professor of political science at Hobart and William Smith colleges and author of The One-State Solution: Seeking Peace in the Middle East
(published in the Boston Globe, July 7, 2004)

 

 

 

My Book

 

 


St. Martin's Press 368 pages Thomas Dunne Books
Pub Date: 06/2004 ISBN: 0-312-32911-3


Originally published in Great Britain by John Murray (Publishers) under the title Dreaming of Damascus: Arab Voices from a Region in Turmoil

 

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